{"id":35190,"date":"2025-09-11T09:06:21","date_gmt":"2025-09-10T23:06:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.internationalaffairs.org.au\/?post_type=qld-news&#038;p=35190"},"modified":"2025-09-11T09:06:22","modified_gmt":"2025-09-10T23:06:22","slug":"authoritarian-roots-global-reach-russias-challenges-beyond-ukraine","status":"publish","type":"qld-news","link":"https:\/\/www.internationalaffairs.org.au\/qld-news\/authoritarian-roots-global-reach-russias-challenges-beyond-ukraine\/","title":{"rendered":"Authoritarian Roots, Global Reach: Russia\u2019s Challenges Beyond Ukraine"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the third year of Russia\u2019s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, the war has shifted to a brutal test of endurance. Each side is fighting for not just territory, but for legacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Australian Institute of International Affairs Queensland welcomed Peter Tesch: Former Australian Ambassador to Russia and Adjunct Professor in the School of Languages and Culture at the University of Queensland for a night of discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From the Kremlin\u2019s invasion of Ukraine to its growing alignment with authoritarian regimes, Mr Tesch asks a question with far-reaching implications: is the international community dealing with Vladimir Putin or a Russia problem?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mr Tesch argued that focusing solely on President Vladimir Putin risks overlooking the deeper, structural and cultural forces driving Moscow\u2019s expansion into Western Europe, particularly the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). Drawing on decades of diplomatic and academic experience, he examined Russia\u2019s history, political culture and strategic ambitions, warning that the challenge may endure well beyond Putin&#8217;s tenure in power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u201cHe who controls the past controls the future\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mr Tesch argued that Vladimir Putin has set Russia on a course to restore its former greatness known as <em>Eternal Russia. <\/em>This doctrine is characterised by enduring traits found in the nation\u2019s history of authoritarianism, spiritualism, exceptionalism, and internal convulsion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Authoritarianism is expressed through a state-centric and militaristic system rooted in the legacies of former rulers. In an <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cnas.org\/publications\/commentary\/putins-shakespearean-demons\">interview<\/a> in the days after the 2022 Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine &#8211; Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russia, Sergei Lavrov said, \u201cPutin has three advisors: Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great and Catherine the Great\u201d who all embodied despotic control. This is in reference to when Ivan the Terrible subdued the Tatars, thus establishing Moscow\u2019s power and authority. While \u201cCatherine\u2019s territorial acquisitions (in Poland, the Lithuanian Commonwealth, former areas of Ukraine and the Caucasus) are particularly pertinent in the situation we find ourselves in today.\u201d This is evidence of Putin\u2019s vision for the future of Russia, with rebuilding the former Russian Empire at the forefront.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Spiritualism continues through the Russian Orthodox Church, which holds a near monopoly over religious life. While it can be argued that faith competes with Putin\u2019s politics, also vying for power and status, they have a symbiotic relationship together. The Patriarch &#8211; who is the highest authority in the Russian Orthodox Church &#8211; legitimises the state\u2019s policies and lends moral authority with its God ordained position with the responsibility of preserving the True Faith after the fall of Rome and the Sack of Constantinople. Mr Tesch referred to a poem from Fyodor Tyutchev:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-pullquote\"><blockquote><p><em>Russia cannot be fathomed with the mind; she knows no measurable bounds; she possesses a singular quality; one can only believe in Russia.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cIt really does get to this ultimate position where when you set aside logic, you simply have to have faith\u201d and \u201cyou must believe in Russia, that there is a greater force at work\u201d Mr Tesch said. Consequently, spiritualism plays a major part in Russian identity, with nationalism in Russian roughly translating to a \u201cdeep spiritual belonging.\u201d This close relationship between Church and state feeds into Russia\u2019s sense of exceptionalism, reinforcing the belief that the nation has a unique, divinely sanctioned role in history and the international order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Exceptionalism has long defined Russia\u2019s worldview, casting the nation as the \u201cbulwark of civilisation\u201d and entrusted with maintaining the \u201crepository of superior values by divine decree.\u201d This idea is embodied in the concept of <em>Dyerzhava<\/em>, a term connoting a great power or superpower status, derived from the verb \u201cto hold after an act of seizing\u201d \u2013 a reminder of Russia\u2019s identity as something seized and defended. \u201cThe Cult of 1945\u201d \u2013 victory over Nazi Germany \u2013 has been instrumental in legitimising Putin\u2019s rule and expansionist foreign policy. The narrative of exceptionalism also draws on past grievances, framing Russia as \u201cunrequited, slighted and opposed.\u201d As Tsar Alexander III famously declared \u201cRussia only has two allies: her army and navy,\u201d a line that Putin himself quoted in 2015, warning that \u201call others fear our vastness and, at the first opportunity, will unite against us.\u201d Yet this deep-rooted sense of exceptionalism is paired with a recurring pattern of upheaval \u2013 cycles of crisis and collapse that have come to define Russia\u2019s convulsions throughout history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lastly, convulsion is a defining feature of Russia\u2019s history, marked by cycles of upheaval, collapse and reinvention that continues to shape national identity and political trajectory. Mr Tesch highlighted the instability before Putin\u2019s rise to power in 2000, the early 1900s brought the humiliating defeat to Japan in 1905, resulting in the destruction of the Imperial Russian Navy at the Battle of Tsushima. This was followed by the devastation of World War I, the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II in 1917, and the Bolshevik Coup later that same year. Under Stalin, the Great Terror unleashed purges against society, his own party and even institutions including the military, while World War II caused significant losses on both soldiers and civilians.&nbsp; The post-war era too, was marred by recurring turbulence and internal convulsions. This included the East Berlin Workers Uprising, the suppression of reformists movements in Czechoslovakia, \u201cWestern fermented\u201d colour revolutions that took over former Soviet states such as Kyrgyzstan, Georgia and the first Maidan in Ukraine. Given this tragic history, loss has become an enduring threat in Russia\u2019s lived experience. According to Soviet archives, the state executed approximately 800,000 people for crimes, real or perceived, from 1921 to 1953. \u201cThose are numbers that defy comprehension in our complacent, benign environment\u201d Mr Tesch observed, stressing the importance of recognising that&nbsp; \u201cwhat deters us does not necessarily deter others.\u201d Though such a tragic past, loss has etched itself into the very fabric of Russia\u2019s lived experience \u2013 a truth that continues to shape the nation\u2019s present identity \u2013 a truth highlighted by Vladimir Putin, who described the collapse of the Soviet Union as \u201cthe greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.\u201d This shows how historical convulsions continue to shape Russia\u2019s worldviews and ambitions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>What does Russia want?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>One of the primary goals of the Kremlin is to create a multipolar global order and end United States hegemony and restore their sphere of influence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cPutin believes that the United States is a decaying entity, and Russia, in connivance with China, can supplant it,\u201d Mr Tesch said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>He highlighted that the desire to restore Russia to its former glory is personal to Putin, with the leader turning 73 in 2025. This is evident in his speech in the Munich Security Conference in 2005, \u201c\u2026 a unipolar world\u2026 is a world in which there is one master, one sovereign. And at the end of the day this is pernicious.\u201d In other words, Putin is seeking to achieve the same greatness as his predecessors once did, which is \u201ca past imperial glory, that I think is unrecoverable and that neo-imperialism lies in the heart of the challenge we face in dealing with contemporary Russia.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Goals of Russian active measures and information operations<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) is an area where the Kremlin is highly skilled and deeply experienced, and one in which Australia faces ongoing challenges. Mr Tesch believes that Russia poses a greater threat than China, not because it is infallible, but because it understands how to exploit the inherent dissonance and division within democracies to undermine the government\u2019s legitimacy. While capable of serious misjudgements \u2013 as seen in Putin\u2019s mistaken belief that Ukraine would fall within four or five days \u2013 Russia has consistently shown its ability to sow instability and uncertainty in adversary nations. One of the most prominent events of FIMI in action is the interference of the US Presidential Election in 2016. Russian objectives were to undermine the confidence of Americans in their electoral system by sabotaging Hilary Clinton, boosting the campaign of Donald Trump and increasing political and social discord as a result. Additionally, Mr Tesch warned of Russian disinformation infecting artificial intelligence chatbots with 10 leading chat bots repeating Kremlin disinformation 33 per cent of the time. As Tesch notes, Russia\u2019s disinformation campaigns are not simply background noise, but deliberate statecraft, specifically to weaken adversaries from within. For Australia, this poses a direct challenge: we are not only on the periphery of Russia\u2019s ambitions but firmly situated in what Moscow considers the \u201cadversary camp.\u201d Understanding how Russia projects power through manipulation and distortion is therefore essential to grasping the scale of the threat Canberra must contend with.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Australia\u2019s challenge with Russia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Australia\u2019s challenges with Russia cannot be viewed in isolation, Mr Tesch argued, as they have forged relationships and form part of alliances. \u201cAustralia has not been an \u2018either or\u2019 player,\u201d he said, but now it needs a \u201creawakening\u201d to the fact that Europe matters. Europe accounts for 15 per cent of global GDP and is the third largest provider of overseas development assistance in the Indo-Pacific, making it a critical partner in balancing Russian influence and supporting regional stability. By strengthening ties with Europe, Australia not only broadens its own strategic choices but also helps ensure that European partners retain options \u201cwhen they come under pressure from China.\u201d Mr Tesch also believes that Australia needs to strengthen its vulnerabilities especially with space, cyber, infrastructure and energy security. He said, \u201cThey [Russia] are exploiting vulnerabilities \u2013 we have seen sabotage against seabed infrastructure in the Baltic Sea with both energy and telecommunications. For a country like Australia, which is almost overwhelmingly dependent on seabed infrastructure, this is a source of alarm.\u201d Ultimately, standing up to Russia means Australia must recognise Europe as an essential partner while remaining self-reliant&nbsp; to safeguard global stability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Russia\u2019s path under Vladimir Putin is shaped by deep historical currents\u2014authoritarianism, spiritualism, exceptionalism and convulsion\u2014that continue to drive its ambitions and destabilising behaviour. From the Kremlin\u2019s weaponisation of disinformation to its quest to upend the global order, these traits pose challenges not only for Europe and Ukraine but for Australia as well. As Peter Tesch argued, Canberra cannot afford indifference: the contest with Russia reaches our shores through information warfare, strategic pressure and the choices of our allies. Meeting this challenge demands not only vigilance at home but also renewed partnerships abroad\u2014especially with Europe, whose resilience and resolve remain central to countering Moscow\u2019s reach.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Edited by Deborah Bouchez<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Written by Chloe Leung<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Currently in her third year of a double degree in Communications\/Journalism and International Relations at Griffith University,&nbsp;Chloe&nbsp;Leung&nbsp;is passionate about intersectionality in global development \u2013 particularly centring the voices of marginalised communities.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":0,"template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-35190","qld-news","type-qld-news","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.2 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Authoritarian Roots, Global Reach: Russia\u2019s Challenges Beyond Ukraine - Australian Institute of International Affairs<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.internationalaffairs.org.au\/qld-news\/authoritarian-roots-global-reach-russias-challenges-beyond-ukraine\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Authoritarian Roots, Global Reach: Russia\u2019s Challenges Beyond Ukraine - Australian Institute of International Affairs\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"In the third year of Russia\u2019s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, the war has shifted to a brutal test of endurance. 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